The Sunday Star
With All Due
Respect by Roger Tan
Assaulting the judiciary is as crude and uncivilised
as assaulting a referee who impartially and fearlessly applies the rules of the
game.
Judicial
independence – a sacrosanct concept which I have written quite a bit over the
years – has been much talked about again, lately.
Just and fair: When the judiciary decides against the authority it is simply doing its duty under the Constitution which expresses the will of the people just as when it decides for authority. |
What then is
judicial independence? I believe this can be best explained by one of our most
celebrated judges, Lord President Tun Mohamed Suffian Hashim when writing his
foreword to The Role of the Independent
Judiciary by Tun Salleh Abas on Dec 17, 1988 as follows:
“When the
judiciary decides against authority there is no question of its being superior
to Parliament or the Executive; the three branches are co-equal partners, each
branch being like the leg of a three-legged stool. When the judiciary decides
against the authority it is simply doing its duty under the Constitution which
expresses the will of the people just as when it decides for authority.
“To accuse a
judge of wanting to wrest power from the elected representatives of the people
and thus destroy democracy is as absurd as accusing a football referee of
wanting to take over the game and thus destroy football because from time to
time he blows the whistle against one’s team-mate. There can be no justice for
the people without independent judges as there can be no game without
independent referees. Assaulting the judiciary is as crude and uncivilised as
assaulting a referee who impartially and fearlessly applies the rules of the
game.
“Those who stand
by and do nothing to protect the independence of the judiciary will in the end
get a judiciary they deserve – one powerless to stand between them and
tyranny.”
This is echoed
by the new Chief Justice, Tan Sri Md Raus Sharif in his inaugural speech at the
recent ceremony celebrating his elevation that it is his duty as well as
everyone’s to ensure that the independence of the judiciary is safeguarded.
“As an
institution, the judiciary is not and should never be beholden to anyone but
the Federal Constitution,” said Md Raus. In other words, not even to the
Executive nor Parliament!
To the legally
trained, this is also known as the doctrine of separation of powers where the
three branches of state – legislature (Parliament), executive (government) and
the judiciary are independent of one another so that each has separate powers
to become a check and balance on the other.
As the French
philosopher Baron de Montesquieu puts it: “Again, there is no liberty, if the
judiciary power be not separate from the legislative and executive. Were it
joined with the legislative, the life and liberty of the subject would be
exposed to arbitrary control; for the judge would be then the legislator. Were
it joined to the executive power, the judge might behave with violence and
oppression.”
Hence in the State of Washington v Trump, 2017, the
USA Ninth Circuit Appeals Court ruled that President Donald Trump’s executive
order on travel ban is not unreviewable; otherwise, it will run contrary to the
fundamental structure of a constitutional democracy which requires compliance
with the US Constitution which is the supreme law.
The position is
no different from ours in that our supreme law is also our Federal
Constitution. Article 4(1) of the Federal Constitution provides that any law
passed which is inconsistent with the Constitution is void.
It follows the
three branches must be subordinate to the Constitution including the executive
and Parliament. Our constitutional democracy is not entirely modelled upon the
United Kingdom’s as unlike ours, the UK Parliament is supreme in that it can
make, amend and unmake any law it likes, primarily because the UK does not have
a single formal written constitution.
In fact, in Ah Thian v. Government of Malaysia, 1976
our apex court already declared that the doctrine of parliamentary supremacy as
practised in the UK does not apply in Malaysia because we have a written
constitution. It follows the power of Parliament and state legislature in
Malaysia is limited by the Federal Constitution as they cannot make any new law
as they please.
So, on April 20,
when the Federal Court decided to re-affirm the supremacy of the Federal
Constitution and the concepts of judicial independence and separation of powers
in the case of Semenyih Jaya Sdn Bhd v
Pentadbir Tanah Hulu Langat, this was quickly hailed as a landmark
decision.
In this case,
one of the questions posed to the Federal Court was whether Section 40D(3) of
the Land Acquisition Act 1960 (Act 486) is ultra vires Article 121 of the
Federal Constitution.
Section 40D of
Act 486, as inserted by the Land Acquisition (Amendment) Act 1997 (Act 999) on
March 1, 1998, reads as follows:
“(1) In a case
before the Court as to the amount of compensation or as to the amount of any of
its items the amount of compensation to be awarded shall be the amount decided
upon by the two assessors.
“(2) Where the
assessors have each arrived at a decision which differs from each other then
the Judge, having regard to the opinion of each assessor, shall elect to concur
with the decision of one of the assessors and the amount of compensation to be
awarded shall be the amount decided upon by that assessor.
“(3) Any
decision made under this section is final and there shall be no further appeal
to a higher Court on the matter.”
Hence, the crux
of the matter is that the amount of compensation to be awarded “shall be the
amount decided upon by that assessor” and not by the judge! Constitutionally,
it looks innocuous because Article 121(1) states that the High Courts shall
have such jurisdiction and powers as may be conferred by or under federal law.
Hence, if the federal law here which is Act 486 provides so, then it is the
assessor and not the judge who will have the final say on the amount of
compensation to be awarded.
But Article
121(1) was amended during the Mahathir administration by the Constitution
(Amendment) Act 1988 (Act A704) on June 10, 1988, and at the height of a
constitutional collision between the judiciary and his administration. Prior to
that, the original Article 121(1) stated that: “The judicial power of the
Federation shall be vested in a Supreme Court (now Federal Court) and such
inferior courts as may be provided by federal law.” The words “judicial power”
were expressly deleted.
Sadly, the
Federal Court decided to take a narrow interpretation of Article 121(1) in the
earlier 2008 case of Public Prosecutor v
Kok Wah Kuan.
In delivering
the majority decision of the Federal Court, the then President of the Court of
Appeal who later became a Chief Justice, Abdul Hamid Mohamad said, “If we want
to know the jurisdiction and powers of the two High Courts we will have to look
at the federal law. If we want to call those powers ‘judicial powers’, we are
perfectly entitled to. But, to what extent such ‘judicial powers’ are vested in
the two High Courts depend on what federal law provides, not on the
interpretation the term ‘judicial power’ as prior to the amendment.”
In a display of
judicial gumption at its best and departing from the earlier decision of Kok Wah Kuan, Justice Tan Sri Zainun Ali
who delivered the unanimous decision of the Federal Court in Semenyih, declared that the said Section
40D has effectively usurped the power of the court in allowing non-qualified
persons including the assessor other than the judge to decide on the matter
before the court. Hence, section 40D was struck down as being unconstitutional.
Zainun added
that by removing judicial power from the inherent jurisdiction of the court,
this has suborned the institution of judiciary to Parliament, thus making
Malaysian Parliament supreme and sovereign over the Constitution.
This is
inconsistent with the aforesaid Article 4(1) which states that no law must be
inconsistent with the Federal Constitution.
In this respect,
Zainun and her four other intrepid colleagues ruled that Parliament does not
have the power to amend the Federal Constitution to the effect of undermining
the concepts of separation of powers and judicial independence as this would be
tantamount to establishing parliamentary supremacy when it is the Federal
Constitution which is supreme.
Stressing that
the concept of judicial independence is the foundation of the principles of the
separation of powers, Zainun stressed that the discharge of judicial power by
persons who are not judges would render the said exercise ultra vires Article
121 of the Federal Constitution as it has ignored the role of judges as
defenders of the Constitution.
This landmark
decision is now also the authority for holding that if any statute including
one amending the Federal Constitution should offend the basic structure and
features of the Constitution such as the sacrosanct concepts of separation of
powers and judicial independence, the judiciary has the inherent jurisdiction
to strike it down as unconstitutional under Article 4(1).
“The judiciary
is thus entrusted with keeping every organ and institution of the state within
its legal boundary...This is essentially the basis upon which rests the edifice
of judicial power. The important concepts of judicial power, judicial
independence and the separation of powers are as critical as they are
sacrosanct in our constitutional framework”, wrote Zainun in the 87-page
judgment of the Federal Court.
It is also
apposite to be reminded by the words of the late Sultan Azlan Shah: “It is
fundamental in this regard that the Federal Constitution is the supreme law of
the land and constitutes the grundnorm to which all other laws are subject.”
In the light of
this monumental decision of all time, it is also anticipated that those in the
legal fraternity will start debating on the validity of statutory provisions
which attempt to oust the jurisdiction of the court such as provisions which
state that the decision of the minister who is a member of the executive is
final and cannot be challenged or appealed against in any court, thus suborning
the judiciary to the executive in contravention of the doctrine of separation
of powers.
Likewise, the
standing of the Syariah courts under Article 121(1A) as inserted by the
aforesaid Act A704.
But at this
moment, congratulations are in order for the five Federal Court judges in the Semenyih case: Justice Tan Sri Zulkefli
Ahmad Makinudin (now President of the Court of Appeal), Justice Tan Sri Hasan
Lah, Justice Tan Sri Zainun Ali, Justice Tan Sri Abu Samah Nordin and Justice
Tan Sri Zaharah Ibrahim.
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